Two years before he challenged Lyndon B. Johnson in the 1964 U.S. presidential election, Senator Barry Goldwater engaged in a debate with a fellow senator, Jacob K. Javits, in the pages of The Great Ideas Today, a publication.“Does America’s best hope for the future lie in political conservatism?” was the question put to both men. This question, the editors of The Great Ideas Today believed, was inclusive enough to address a number of the pressing issues of 1962, such as:
Should the United States seek world disarmament? Should the United Nations be strengthened and its role in world affairs increased?…Should a program of medical care for the aged be tied to Social Security principles? Should fallout shelters be built and, if so, by whom?
Although the Cold War is long gone and Medicare and Medicaid are well-established U.S. programs, the principles that animated these questions and made them controversial in 1962 continue to do so today. With the opposition between conservative and liberal ideals persisting as the great divide of American politics, Goldwater’s voice continues to resonate.
THE CASE FOR CONSERVATISM
When we speak of America’s future, I believe we must tie it irrevocably to the future of freedom throughout the world. The United States today is the leader of the antislavery forces in the world, and its conduct, both at home and in the international sphere, has ramifications which stretch far beyond our borders.
And because of this role, I believe the future hope for America lies in political conservatism. The world being what it is in this year of 1962, I don’t think we have a choice. I believe the nature of the enemy has decided this question for us—as reluctant as some adherents to benevolent collectivism seem to be to accept the reality.
In fact, I believe that the job of conservatism today is every American’s job. We are faced with a world-wide threat from totalitarian leftist forces. Whether we like it or not, Communist-inspired events around the world have necessarily placed this nation in a conservative position. We find ourselves pitted against the total regimented society. We find ourselves contesting with the all-powerful state. We find ourselves in the role of guardian and defender of a just social system and a decent civil order. We find ourselves cast as the world’s foremost possessor of the blessings that flow naturally from a governmental system founded on freedom for the individual. In other words, we find ourselves—more than ever before in our history—in a conservative position, defending individual freedom against the threat of collectivist slavery.
Now how well are we equipped to take this position? How deeply dedicated are we, in and out of government, to our sacred cause? How well equipped are we to meet and defeat an enemy which brings against us the ultimate in zeal and fanaticism?
These are questions that more and more concerned Americans are asking themselves and their national leaders today. The evidence is strong and growing stronger that there is something wrong with the orientation given us by the American liberals for the struggle ahead. There is reason to question whether these liberals fully and accurately understand exactly what it is that threatens our survival and the cause of freedom. There is strong cause to wonder whether those with a long history of tolerance for what once was referred to as “the great experiment in Russia” are philosophically and ideologically capable of coming to grips with communism now that communism has become our proven mortal enemy. We have reason to ask whether dedicated American liberals really have the heart for the kind of effort it will take to win over the forces which are sworn to bury us.
What else are we to think when we consider proposals offered in the field of foreign policy by liberal essayists writing in a recent publication called The Liberal Papers? This document, frightening in its leftist-leaning naïveté and its overtone of naked appeasement of communism, was produced by a group called the Liberal Project. Founders of the project include Democratic congressmen, former Democratic congressmen, and government officials.
I would say that the suggestions made in The Liberal Papers are important both as a warning to the American people and as a guide to where liberal policies would lead the United States if not properly restrained. In a word, they would take us to abject surrender of practically all of our national strategic interests in the present struggle against international communism. They call, among other things, for U.S. recognition, UN membership, and U.S. financial aid to Red China; for recognition by the United States of Red China’s claim to Formosa and the Pescadores; for demilitarization of the German Federal Republic; for U.S. recognition of the Communist puppet regime in East Germany; for expulsion of West Germany, Italy, Scandinavia, and France from the NATO organization; for a shutdown of American missile bases in Europe; for an invitation to Russia to plug in on a bidirectional DEW line.
The weight of the argument presented in The Liberal Papers is to the effect that we have made a bogeyman out of our Communist enemy while, in point of fact, he may be really a nice chap who wants to reduce world tensions. The way we can prove this, the liberal thesis continues, is to take broad unilateral action, sacrificing things like the strength of NATO, and see if Russia and Red China do not reciprocate in kind.
Now this is patent nonsense, and nobody expects the President of the United States to follow any such ridiculous course. But the important point to bear in mind here is that these proposals are advanced from the liberal position in the American political spectrum. They are examples of extremism far more dangerous than the type of anti-Communist extremism that has so agitated the American liberal community. Yet, these proposals have not been the subject of any denunciation by the intellectual community on the left. They have been disavowed as not representative of their views by some Democratic congressmen whose names have been connected with the Liberal Project. But they have been defended, too, as a type of healthy discussion that should surround the development of American policy in the Cold War.
In their extremism and their complete disregard for the realities of these critical times, these proposals deserve more than that. They require a thoroughgoing discrediting by people of liberal persuasions who today are attempting to convince the American people that their approach to the problems of the United States and the world is the correct approach. I suggest that the growing realization that our position in today’s world is a conservative position and that it takes more than appeasement to defend that position is one of the root causes for the phenomenal rise in conservative thought in America today. To that, of course, must be added the nationwide disenchantment with the economic policies of extravagance and high taxes, policies which have cost the American people billions and billions of dollars and still have left us with a high rate of unemployment and a slow rate of economic growth.
The answers which the liberals have given us over the years have been tried and found wanting, not only in the domestic economy, but also in America’s conduct of the Cold War. The liberals have had chance after chance to prove their theories of what is good for America. They have had almost carte blanche access to the public treasury. They have had a free hand to test the advantages of the Welfare State. They have experimented with social and economic planning. They have extended American largesse to every part of the world. They have had ample opportunity to explore the advantages of contesting with communism in the world of public opinion. They have exhausted the limits of sweet reason and international idealism in handling the Soviet menace. They have given full rein to the idea that the way to conduct American foreign policy is through extreme deference to the UN.
And what has all this done for us?
For one thing, it has placed us in line for a one hundred billion dollar budget within a few years’ time. It has given us one of the highest tax rates any free country has ever experienced. It has given us a dangerously threatened monetary system, an unfavorable balance of international payments, a sorely depleted gold reserve. It has placed us in a defensive position in the Cold War—a position in which a Communist upstart in Cuba can threaten the whole western hemisphere; a position in which Communist walls can be built against freedom with complete impunity; a position which finds us supporting aggression against pro-Western anti-Communists in the Congo.
I suggest that the liberal approach to America’s problems has failed miserably in almost every sphere of activity. I suggest that men committed to collectivism and social engineering in domestic affairs are ill-equipped for—indeed, almost incapable of—combatting the disease of world-wide collectivist slavery as exemplified by international communism. I suggest that such men will lean naturally and compulsively to every form of appeasement, hoping against hope that some basis for coexistence with communism can be found. I suggest that such leanings and such hopes in the face of brutal Communist aggression contain the seeds of destruction for the United States of America.
We are today in a position where only the speedy application of conservative principles can meet the threat.
We are in a position where we must —for the sake of survival—recognize communism for the enemy it is and dedicate ourselves once and for all to a policy of victory.
We are in a position where all the resources at our command must be channeled into the struggle for freedom.
What good has it done us to pretend that communism is something less than our sworn enemy? What good has it done to spend billions of dollars helping to build up the economics and the war potential of Communist nations? What good has it done to try to butter up the so-called neutral nations with foreign aid handouts? What good has it done us to follow the irresponsible course of public extravagance, deficit financing, and inflation at home?
These are the questions, I suggest, that Americans are asking today in their quest for a policy that will put this country back in an offensive position. These are the questions that are accompanying the growth of conservatism in America today.
How strong and how widespread is the conservative revival in America today? How enduring is it? Is it a fad that will flourish today and perhaps tomorrow and then lose its momentum and die out entirely? Or is it really a vast movement rooted in the valid patriotic concern of the American people for our nation’s survival and the future of freedom? Is it an approach limited by age brackets or geographical areas? Or is it a movement with limitless appeal for all who prize liberty and fear communism as well as the encroachment of big socialized government?